Overcoming Learned Helplessness and Apathy

The main illness of Pakistan is not Islamism, but militarism Frederic Grare, "Islam, Militarism and the 2007-2008 Elections in Pakistan", Carnegie Papers, Number 70, August 2006.


Today, in Pakistan we are witnessing all kinds of conflicts—economic, socio-political, centre-provinces disagreements, sectarian, tribal, ethnic and religious fights and what not. The chaotic situation arising out of perpetual political crises is assuming alarming proportions, threatening the very existence of the state. From attack on judiciary to sheer failure to combat rising tide of self-claimed right of imposing Islamic order by a handful of enthusiasts in the country, the grave consequences for the West for relying on a military dictator are proving to be correct in the aftermath of events of May 3, 2007. One wonders if policymakers in US administration or the West have bothered to give due attention to the warnings given to this effect by a numbers of writers, including ourselves, e.g. paper written by Mr. Grare, published by Carnegie Endowment for International Peace in August 2006.

The criminal culpability of supporting a dictator by US and its allies in the name of so-called ‘war on terrorism’ (sic) has started showing its worst side in Pakistan—from institutional crises to breakdown of civic society, which is attacked by self-styled, so-called religiously-motivated guardians of morality. It is also posing a great danger to international community as forces of obscurantism are gaining support in EU states where Muslims feel that they are second class citizens.

The conclusion by Mr. Grare in ‘Islam, Militarism and the 2007-2008 Elections in Pakistan’ that ‘main illness of Pakistan is not Islamism, but militarism’ is well-reached and convincingly argued. He has rightly highlighted the crux of the issue that the West applies double standards while dealing with despotic Muslim rulers, which creates hatred amongst the masses. The much-cherished values of democracy and freedom in the West are conveniently ignored while pampering repressive rulers who are playing havoc with the lives of their people in the Muslim world and depriving them of both economic benefits and fundamental rights. These undemocratic rulers are “friends” of the West as they serve their economic interests. For the prevalent chaotic condition in Pakistan and elsewhere in the Muslim world, besides the corrupt, incompetent, unpopular and inefficient rulers, blame must also be shared by the US administration and its Western allies. Corrupt and autocratic Muslim rulers patronized by them in the long run will prove counterproductive and will bring for the international community further dangers of disorder and chaos. These rulers are in fact acting as catalysts in promoting the cause of terrorists.

As things are emerging, General Musharraf will not abdicate power at any cost. The political parties as usual are divided and unwilling to protest en masse to launch a united movement against General Musharraf for the restoration of democracy in the country. Unfortunately, some of them still eager to join hands with the military junta in the forthcoming elections. Accepting General Musharraf as President of Pakistan in uniform for another term of five years is no problem for them. Here lies the strength of General Musharraf that despite repressive and authoritarian rule, and after subjugating and/or dismantling all the State institutions, he can still forge alliance with popular parties in the country and by doing so can secure continued support of Uncle Sam and his Western allies.

The tragedy of Pakistan besides misgovernance and lack of democracy is unholy alliance between the establishment (both civil and military) and political elite. This anti-people alliance dispossesses the people from the wealth of natural resources and economic benefits of the country. Unless this unholy alliance is destroyed, there is no hope of establishment of true democracy and rule of law in Pakistan.

The way General Musharraf handled the defiant judiciary and maltreated the judges since March 9, 2007 shows how far a US-backed military dictator can go to humiliate his own people and make mockery of rule of law. If Musharraf survives even after this worst possible transgression with the help of US and support of any political party, history will never forgive the Pakistani political leaders and intelligentsia for not mobilising the common people against such an authoritarian ruler.

The struggle against a repressive and authoritarian ruler cannot be waged successfully without the help of masses, who unfortunately after perpetual military rules are suffering from “learned helplessness”. “Learned helplessness”, as demonstrated by empirical data in 1965 by psychologist Martin Seligman, arises from apathy. Once a person knows he is helpless, he stops making any effort to change his circumstances and develops apathy as a way of life. The masses of this country have become apathetic after continuously witnessing the hopeless conduct of their political leaders, who failed to do anything for them during their rules [twice the leading parties PPP and PML(N) got a chance to serve the people but they opted to make money and/or please the mighty generals]. Such apathy arising from “learned helplessness” is the reason why the masses are not ready to come on streets as was the case when Zulfikar Ali Bhutto started a movement against the military power or Sheikh Mujeebur Rehman countered atrocities in the then East Pakistan. In those days, political apathy was non-existent as people had faith in their leaders and were ready to fight for their rights. Our political leaders must focus on regaining the support of masses through scarifying their worthless parliamentary seats as a first step. They must help the masses to overcome the syndrome of “learned helplessness” and apathy.

The shackles of “learned helplessness” can only be broken if all the political parties and intelligentsia join hands to restore rule of democracy and the independence of judiciary. The unconstitutional removal of Chief Justice of Pakistan for the second time and other judges is violation of fundamental right of free access to justice, which a military dictator wants to deny to the people of Pakistan. Dictatorship and democracy—the main pillar of which is true dispensation of justice— cannot co-exist. This is not an issue of action against defiant judges as is portrayed by the government, it is an brazen attack on the freedom and independence of judiciary in Pakistan by a military dictator who enjoys the support of the West and has been pitting different segments of society against each other to perpetuate his unlawful rule. Recent examples of this policy of divide and rule are creating rift between political parties, encouraging tribal battles to weaken the anti-government elements in certain tribal areas, and promoting religious extremism, through certain madrassas which are funded by the government, to counter the liberals so that instead of uniting against fighting for removal of the military dictator they should rather seek his support. These tactics by a dictator are not new. Every dictator indulges in these kinds of policies and tactics to perpetuate his rule. At this critical juncture of history, it is the people of Pakistan who will have to decide their fate. If they once again fail to force a dictator to step down, no one will be able to avert a long and dark period of subjugation that renders a nation neither amongst the dead nor alive—the worst possible punishment history can inflict on apathetic people.