Mazhar Iqbal September 15, 2009
Tags: MQM , Azad Kashmir , political parties
The Muttahida Quami Movement (MQM) says it has a proactive agenda of playing dynamic role in the mainstream politics of Pakistan. Renowned journalist Salim Safi, in his recent column, which was published in the daily Jang, Karachi, while defending the so-called trend of violence in this party’s political
approach in past, raised very important issues about MQM’s past and future role.
He said in his article: “political parties, which came into existence as a result of sense of deprivation or reaction, never remained balanced.”
Could we apply this formuala to the first and foremost political party of Pakistan?
The genesis of Pakistan Movement can be traced to the birth of All India Muslim League, which, in later years, claimed to be the custodian of the ideology of Pakistan.
No doubt, the All India Muslim League was formed by the Muslims of Indian Sub-continent against the tyrannical rule of the British Raj. This could be termed as a reactionary approach, but, Muslim League’s agenda was never violent. Besides, there was a distressing sense of deprivation among the Muslims about their rights and privileges.
Contrarily, the Muslim League’s political struggle was driven by peaceful and legitimate means and not by violent or aggressive agenda.
So, this would be hypothetical to assume that sense of deprivation or reaction could be a basis for imbalanced approach or violent agenda in political struggle. All India Muslim League’s rights-based and peaceful political struggle proved that political maturity could be achieved through peaceful and legitimate means.
Quaid-e-Azam’s role in giving political direction to the Muslim League’s rights-based struggle is an example of leadership’s visionary role in diverting reactionary approach towards a legitimate political struggle.
Journalist Salim Safi says: “MQM’s large vote bank is evidence that all its votes are not bagged on gun point.” Whereas, the MQM’s political rivals and critics allege that this party could never have been able to claim such a large vote bank if there have been impartial elections. They also allege that it has no say in the mainstream politics of Pakistan as non-urdu-speaking population of Pakistan has no sympathy with it. There is only one example of MQM’s political victory apart from its Karachi stronghold and that is the case of Azad Jammu & Kashmir Legislative Assembly (AJKLA).
During the election of AJKLA in July 2006, people of Azad Kashmir, a non urdu-speaking community, elected at least two of their representatives who had political affiliations with the MQM. First ever in its history, the MQM got democratic representation in a non-urdu-speaking region.
Though, MQM’s critics and political rivals allege that MQM got AJKLA’s membership only from those constituencies, which came under its direct control (the two AJK assembly seats, which were won by the MQM have their major portion of vote bank of Kashmiri migrants in Karachi and Hyderabad).
Thus, they doubt the election process and the results as well.
When the MQM announced the names of its candidates for 26 AJKLA constituencies out of total 41, nobody imagined it could win a single seat.
Amazingly, it emerged as a political reality of Azad Kashmir after wining two assembly seats.
No doubt, after winning two seats in AJKLA the MQM has entered into wide-ranging politics of Pakistan. The AJK case could be a base for its political rise or downfall simultaneously.
A no-trust vote toppled Prime Minister Sardar Attique Khan of ruling Muslim Conference in January 2009 and Sardar Mohammad Yaqoob Khan took oath as the new prime minister of this politically volatile region.
In the present government setup of the AJK, the MQM has been given a much better role than in the Sardar Attique regime.
At least, one out of its two MLAs has been elevated to the position of a minister. Thus, MQM’s role in the affairs of the people of AJK has been established and recognized to some extent.
Governance, peoples’ rights, development, post-earthquake rehabilitation, political stability and self reliance are major issues of the mainstream in AJK. Let the voter in the next AJKLA election decide how the MQM has been involved in these issues and to what extent.
Despite weak governance, less democratic experience as AJK assembly came into existence in early 70s only and tight control by the bureaucracy, polling stations in Azad Kashmir are not completely bagged on gunpoint. Moreover, feudal mindset, which the MQM claims is its main challenger, is not much rampant there. People of AJK believe on democratic process and abhor the idea of being ruled by autocratic means.
Thus, the ground is very much fertile for the MQM to implant its agenda. This becomes more important in a milieu wherein after the reshuffle in the AJK government, the MQM is part of it.
Member Legislative Assembly Mohammad Tahir Khokhar of the MQM is minister for tourism, sports, culture and youth affairs, while Member Legislative Assembly Salim Butt is deputy speaker in the Sardar Yaqoob government.
Journalist Salim Safi has quoted the MQM Quaid as saying that no doubt, there are still many people of other communities who are in the MQM, but it is also a fact that Pakhtuns, Sindhis and Punjabis have still not forgot the poignancy about the MQM.
The MQM Quaid might have deliberately not mentioned the Balochis and Kashmiris in this context, as the party may claim that these two communities have not much grievances against it. Again, this is a positive sign for the MQM.
If the party considers the genuine problems of people of Azad Kashmir and gives them voice in the LA, it could bring a clear change in the mindset of politically demoralized voter.
At least, it should do it in the constituencies where it claims it has majority.
During the Sardar Attique regime, one of the MQM’s MLAs highlighted a few corruption cases of the then prime minister, which brought much acclaim for the courageous role of MQM’s parliamentarian.
The MQMs international secretariat is operating in UK, where more than a million Kashmiris are living in pathetic and politically subdued conditions.
The MQM can initiate a campaign to give voice to overseas Kashmiris in AJK assembly. At present, there are no seats reserved for a million people who have their genuine problems while living in the UK.
Moreover, the MQM could prove itself a harbinger of positive change in the lives of more than three million people residing in AJK.
He said in his article: “political parties, which came into existence as a result of sense of deprivation or reaction, never remained balanced.”
Could we apply this formuala to the first and foremost political party of Pakistan?
The genesis of Pakistan Movement can be traced to the birth of All India Muslim League, which, in later years, claimed to be the custodian of the ideology of Pakistan.
No doubt, the All India Muslim League was formed by the Muslims of Indian Sub-continent against the tyrannical rule of the British Raj. This could be termed as a reactionary approach, but, Muslim League’s agenda was never violent. Besides, there was a distressing sense of deprivation among the Muslims about their rights and privileges.
Contrarily, the Muslim League’s political struggle was driven by peaceful and legitimate means and not by violent or aggressive agenda.
So, this would be hypothetical to assume that sense of deprivation or reaction could be a basis for imbalanced approach or violent agenda in political struggle. All India Muslim League’s rights-based and peaceful political struggle proved that political maturity could be achieved through peaceful and legitimate means.
Quaid-e-Azam’s role in giving political direction to the Muslim League’s rights-based struggle is an example of leadership’s visionary role in diverting reactionary approach towards a legitimate political struggle.
Journalist Salim Safi says: “MQM’s large vote bank is evidence that all its votes are not bagged on gun point.” Whereas, the MQM’s political rivals and critics allege that this party could never have been able to claim such a large vote bank if there have been impartial elections. They also allege that it has no say in the mainstream politics of Pakistan as non-urdu-speaking population of Pakistan has no sympathy with it. There is only one example of MQM’s political victory apart from its Karachi stronghold and that is the case of Azad Jammu & Kashmir Legislative Assembly (AJKLA).
During the election of AJKLA in July 2006, people of Azad Kashmir, a non urdu-speaking community, elected at least two of their representatives who had political affiliations with the MQM. First ever in its history, the MQM got democratic representation in a non-urdu-speaking region.
Though, MQM’s critics and political rivals allege that MQM got AJKLA’s membership only from those constituencies, which came under its direct control (the two AJK assembly seats, which were won by the MQM have their major portion of vote bank of Kashmiri migrants in Karachi and Hyderabad).
Thus, they doubt the election process and the results as well.
When the MQM announced the names of its candidates for 26 AJKLA constituencies out of total 41, nobody imagined it could win a single seat.
Amazingly, it emerged as a political reality of Azad Kashmir after wining two assembly seats.
No doubt, after winning two seats in AJKLA the MQM has entered into wide-ranging politics of Pakistan. The AJK case could be a base for its political rise or downfall simultaneously.
A no-trust vote toppled Prime Minister Sardar Attique Khan of ruling Muslim Conference in January 2009 and Sardar Mohammad Yaqoob Khan took oath as the new prime minister of this politically volatile region.
In the present government setup of the AJK, the MQM has been given a much better role than in the Sardar Attique regime.
At least, one out of its two MLAs has been elevated to the position of a minister. Thus, MQM’s role in the affairs of the people of AJK has been established and recognized to some extent.
Governance, peoples’ rights, development, post-earthquake rehabilitation, political stability and self reliance are major issues of the mainstream in AJK. Let the voter in the next AJKLA election decide how the MQM has been involved in these issues and to what extent.
Despite weak governance, less democratic experience as AJK assembly came into existence in early 70s only and tight control by the bureaucracy, polling stations in Azad Kashmir are not completely bagged on gunpoint. Moreover, feudal mindset, which the MQM claims is its main challenger, is not much rampant there. People of AJK believe on democratic process and abhor the idea of being ruled by autocratic means.
Thus, the ground is very much fertile for the MQM to implant its agenda. This becomes more important in a milieu wherein after the reshuffle in the AJK government, the MQM is part of it.
Member Legislative Assembly Mohammad Tahir Khokhar of the MQM is minister for tourism, sports, culture and youth affairs, while Member Legislative Assembly Salim Butt is deputy speaker in the Sardar Yaqoob government.
Journalist Salim Safi has quoted the MQM Quaid as saying that no doubt, there are still many people of other communities who are in the MQM, but it is also a fact that Pakhtuns, Sindhis and Punjabis have still not forgot the poignancy about the MQM.
The MQM Quaid might have deliberately not mentioned the Balochis and Kashmiris in this context, as the party may claim that these two communities have not much grievances against it. Again, this is a positive sign for the MQM.
If the party considers the genuine problems of people of Azad Kashmir and gives them voice in the LA, it could bring a clear change in the mindset of politically demoralized voter.
At least, it should do it in the constituencies where it claims it has majority.
During the Sardar Attique regime, one of the MQM’s MLAs highlighted a few corruption cases of the then prime minister, which brought much acclaim for the courageous role of MQM’s parliamentarian.
The MQMs international secretariat is operating in UK, where more than a million Kashmiris are living in pathetic and politically subdued conditions.
The MQM can initiate a campaign to give voice to overseas Kashmiris in AJK assembly. At present, there are no seats reserved for a million people who have their genuine problems while living in the UK.
Moreover, the MQM could prove itself a harbinger of positive change in the lives of more than three million people residing in AJK.
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