Election 2008: Looking Ahead

The election result has come as a touch of healing to the anxious, wounded and exhausted and tense nation. After a spate of horrifying incidents – suicide bombings, butchering of the constitution, en masse removal of the superior judiciary, police torture on protesting civil society members – coupled with the threatening posture of President General (retired) Musharraf and anticipation of mass-scale rigging, the election result, in which the King’s party PML(Q) has been routed by the two mainstream parties, the Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) and PML-N, was like a breeze of cool, moisture-laden air in the scorching heat of a barren desert. The badly mauled, staggering media received a shot in the arm when it revived active contact with the public who tuned to their favourite news channels to watch the election result blow by blow. The enthusiasm, which was conspicuous by its absence in the pre-poll phase and the polling day, suddenly became visible in the victory celebrations of the people’s favourite candidates. It did not matter who voted for whom as long as it was not for the PML(Q). Voting for the King’s party had become somewhat of a stigma.

The people gave their verdict. They felt empowered when they wiped out what they perceived to be a rag-tag of turncoats through the power of their vote. They felt that by using their vote, they can weed out those whom they consider incompetent and insensitive to their problems. The lack of principles and the dismal perform of the previous government during its five-year rule alienated the public.

The hope for a forward movement, which seemed to be waning of late, particularly after the assassination of Benazir Bhutto, has been revived. The ‘mother of all elections’ has pleasantly surprised everyone as all intentions of manipulating results have been sent down the drain by the force of a strong public opinion, which expressed itself despite all efforts by the dissuaders who are not averse to killing innocent people for achieving their murky objectives. The new government will form in the sizable presence of an active and expanding civil society with lawyers and students at the forefront, who are struggling for the rule of law and the supremacy of the constitution. At their back is a relatively free, independent media with direct contact with the public, which has consistently lent support to their cause.

The political parties who have been returned to the assemblies will do well if they cultivate a culture of principled politics and claim their mandate from the public rather than look towards the clandestine creature called the ‘establishment’, which routinely rides roughshod over the will of the people for its vested interests. It is the people’s vote that brought them here and to whom they are accountable. The people would want both the government and the opposition parties to show maturity and tolerance for one another rather than imprudently opening the doors for unconstitutional interventions into civilian domain. They should learn their lesson now. Internal bickering only benefits the outsiders. The people’s representatives should never misuse their mandate to encroach upon the rightful domain of the state institution or allow their differences to reach the extent at which the system comes to a grounding halt. Independence and mutual respect among the state institutions is an important pillar of democracy.

The civil society and the media are vigilant and have an intent eye on the current happenings. The new government will have to respect the popular will and fulfil its promises to justify their victory. The educated and aware public expect their government to stop treating them like children who knew nothing of the adults’ complex world, who needed to be guided around and who can be pacified by offering cock and bull stories. The government stands exposed and embarrassed whenever it commits a blunder, because a proliferating media industry is holding a close watch.

Samuel E Finer writes in his treatise on the phenomenon of military interventions entitled The Man on Horseback: The Role of the Military in Politics: “Where public attachment to civilian institutions is strong, military intervention in politics will weak. It will take form, if it occurs at all, of working upon or from behind these institutions – be they throne or parliament – according to the political formula current. By the same token, where public attachment to civilian institutions is weak or non-existent, military intervention in politics will find wide scope – both in manner and in substance.” The judiciary asserted its independence for the first time in the history of Pakistan and won public acclaim when the Chief Justice of Pakistan refused to step down last year on March 9th.

The military would be better off if it realised that intervening into politics and national decision-making would only harm its own image. The statement of the new army chief that the army will be purged from civilian institutions must be welcomed. The people would like the military to maintain a dignified posture and wholeheartedly accept the principle of civilian supremacy for the country to become a true democracy. Likewise, all the civilian institutions should remain loyal to the constitution and committed to protecting the rights of the people rather than acting on the whims of the incumbent government.

The Election Commission (EC) must be commended for carrying out the massive exercise of holding the elections rather well despite tremendous pressure from the opposition. The results testify to the EC’s hard work. The EC fully cooperated with the Free and Fair Election Network’s election observers and the media. Close watch of the electoral process minimised the possibilities of rigging. It is hoped that in future the EC would protect its prestige and strive to remove all the irregularities that were observed during the conduct of this election. The holding of free and fair elections is the first step towards democracy.

Last but not least, the people expect the new government to develop consensus on critical issues that confront us at this junction of history. It should be clear on how it views religious extremism and militancy and develop a strategy to deal with it. The second most important issue is the rights of the smaller provinces. Only a people’s government is capable of putting a healing hand on the hearts of the violated people. Those against whom the military operation is being conducted in Balochistan did not become militants overnight. They have genuine complaints that must be heard with a sympathetic heart and addressed to their satisfaction. Likewise, in NWFP, political and economic means should be employed along with the use of force to isolate those who insist on subverting the writ of the state. The military, too, is not happy at being employed to fight against its own people.

The majority of Pakistanis are secular and wish the professionals and experts in the respective fields to be consulted before making laws concerning their fields rather than some backward-looking mullahs who are not ready to accept modern day realities and are incapable of thinking beyond what was fed to them at their madrassas. The destiny of the people cannot be left in their hands. They are sure to take us to mediaeval ages if we continue to trust their intelligence. The people have given their verdict on the religio-political parties, which won only a few seats in both the National Assembly and the NWFP Assembly. This is the minimum we need to do to clear our image as an extremist nation and restore our pride.