Pakistan and Civil Society

Introduction

Of late, the term ‘Civil Society’ has been used loosely by various commentators and state functionaries with reference to the socio-political and socio-economic developments within Pakistan and in reference to speed up development in Pakistan by IFIs. For a country like Pakistan which is still passing through nation building, these wide ranging definitions create confusion on the role of this sector in fostering nationalism. The state and society are separately distinct and no two definitions clearly agree on what Civil Society precisely means. Ever since the age of enlightenment, both have undergone varying metamorphosis with respect to models like Marxism, Nazism, modern nation state and a global civil society in the context of collective security.

The state and civil society, and the clear separation, as well as the interaction between the two are essentially modern notions linked to the rise of the nation-state. The state primarily belongs to the realm of geography, governance and political systems. The Nation is the psychological approximate of oneness comprising abstracts like benefits, ideologies, aspirations, patriotism and emotional identity with the State. For a developing country like Pakistan, nation with its feelings of nationalism is the most desirable form of civil society. This bondage is created through internalised perception of a strong linkage with the state created primarily through mutual group interests within different groups. In case of Pakistan these are ideological and self driven derivations of political economy.

Because civil society is an evolving concept, it embraces an entire range of assumptions and facts that are indispensable preconditions for democracy. Hence civil society in Pakistan cannot be compared to an ultra advanced society of USA whose select group of individuals or their corporate claim a major stake in the international economic order, and look towards globalisation and liberalism as their ultimate objectives. In Pakistan, we have to view this aspect from the perspective of a nation state born out of an ideology and one existing in a region.

At the conceptual level, the state is a discrete phenomenon, which either exists or does not, with reference to a people and territory. The ‘nation’ in contrast, is a variable on a continuum. It moves through a non-linear process of constructions and reconstructions and does not need a state to survive. The delicate linkage between the state and its people is primarily based on political economy and ideologies. The state-society relations need to create legitimate institutional spaces and structures for the regulated articulation and resolution of conflicting and competing interests and values of the whole range of structural categories that compose the state. The process involves the sharing and shaping of power and the distribution of material and non-material resources among contending social and political forces. The very existence of conflicts within a state indicates that the mere establishment or existence of a state does not necessarily mean that the state is a crystallised nation-state. The process of nation building is seldom a unilateral evolution. However, only when ‘nationalism’ culminates into a state does the nation emerge congruent with the state. It then has to go through the crystallisation test to find out its ‘score’ on the solidity of its nationhood. This constitutes the society centred project of nation building.

The fall of USSR is an example where the state failed to fulfil its obligations resulting in a societal implosion. Pakistan itself has its lesson in the separation of East Pakistan, where the state could not provide equitable social, political and economic dispensation and the ideology could not hold it together. In a performing civil society, populism has to be canalised into the national power and not become detrimental to it.

Pakistani civil society is distinct in its evolution. It took birth much before the geography of Pakistan was drawn. However, despite creating a state, the political elites have marginalised its role and founding precepts, depriving it of spaces crucial to evolution. This has led to exordial conflicts, resort to mysticism, parallel codes of justice, extremism, political instability, despair amongst the poor and narrowing of the middle class.

Perspectives of Pakistani Civil Society

South Asia and what is now Pakistan have a long and healthy tradition of citizen participation in the management of their socio-economic, cultural and religious affairs. The civilisations of the Lost River (5000BC) in Choolistan and Thar, the Harrapan age (3000BC) and Taxila were highly evolved and civic societies. Taxila near Islamabad was once the capital of the world from where the sciences of medicine and mathematics were passed on to Arab traders. Muslim conquests of Europe resulted in transplantation of this knowledge to Europe. Advent of Islam and rich Sufi traditions resulted in a tolerant and progressive society. The role of village panchyats, jirgas, barter, care of widows and orphans, and collective participation in weddings and funerals are aspects that are still practised in our society.

Pakistan Movement was started by the civil society that formed the cognitive construct of a nation much before the partition. As a result Pakistani society inherited a strong tradition of progressive citizen organisations with their roots in culture, tradition and Islamic philanthropy. It also inherited a large religious school that opposed the partition, but accepted the fait accompli. In the aftermath of mass dislocation and migration of millions of Muslims in 1947, the nascent Pakistani society produced many citizens’ organisations to cater for the basic needs of the migrants. Paradoxically, the state also inherited the colonial model of governance. After the demise of Qaid-e-Azam, the role of these organisations was marginalised as the new elites in the state machinery took control of almost all spheres of life. With passage of time, the democratic traditions weakened, and dream of a Pakistan with progressive, egalitarian and tolerant civil society kept turning sour.

After 1949, successive governments have continued to follow a faulty theme towards the civil society. Exclusion of the common man has resulted in despondency. Poverty, poor law and order, absence of social justice, corruption, militarisation of society, drugs, violence against select groups and rise of corrupted feudal primordialism are the major issues confronting Pakistan. These trends are visible in low turnout in elections, invitation by politicians for military interventions, tribal justice, and propagation of a feudal mindset in anyone in authority, attitudes of civil servants, an attenuating education system and a social retrograde in the rural areas.

The question worth probing is how a progressive and active civil society has lost its steam? Has the insularity of the society from the state contributed to the vertical fragmentation and stagnation in society? The quest to find such explanations can be summarised in the lack of pluralism and instrumentalism that have created fault lines and fissures which can only widen in the absence of a participative civil society.

The ubiquitous role of the hyperactive state has made deep inroads into people’s lives. As the state started affecting the lives of a very large number of people, influence peddling, and mediation through power brokers has become common. In the 70s, the state had become the biggest employer of organised workers. The citizens’ dependence on state for everything ranging from employment to a cricket match, needless restrictions on marketing, state’s monopoly in almost all public goods and amenities made the civil society vulnerable to the depredations This spawned a centralised and anaemic culture and most state institutions became hotbeds of corruption, crime, intrigue and nepotism.

The absence of practising norms and political fragmentation has led the society to take recourse in ideals other than those enunciated by the founding fathers. The gap between centralised control and federalism, disparity in vast resource and allocation gap between the provinces, combined with above have led to sub nationalist tendencies and religious extremism.

The situation is further compounded as attitudes inimical to development are deeply ingrained in the psyche of dominant classes, comprising feudal and religious elites. Pakistani masses, particularly in the rural areas, have been held in mental captivity for ages by the powerful vested interests. The hold of Sardars in Sindh and Balochistan and the federally administrated tribal areas are a case in point. Islamic militancy with international sponsorship during the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan created a lasting impact on the demography of Pakistan and evolution of nomadic Islamic revolutionaries posing a floating threat.

Over-regulation has led to evasion and corruption by the private sector in its manufacturing and business practices. This has resulted in a vibrant and competitive parallel economy that though providing sustenance and jobs to the poor siphons off money into activities that benefit only the rich. As per an estimate, the cash flow in this sector is thrice the GDP of the country. Positively, this sector is the biggest source of social capital and philanthropy. On the other hand, this created corruption and inefficiency that deprived the common man of equitable socio-economic justice.

There are forty five thousand active organisations in Pakistan that fit the description of private, non-profit, self-governing and voluntary organizations. These organizations vary a great deal in terms of their size, scope, and effectiveness. They address issues ranging from religious instruction, education, health, agriculture, micro finance, small enterprise and housing to community policing, consumer protection and civil rights. Most promising is the tremendous sense of contribution by the common Pakistanis towards philanthropic projects. According to authentic estimates, Pakistanis have spent 70 Billion Rupees in 2002-2003 in private philanthropic projects, mainly in health, education, food and monetary help to the poor. However, there are sharpening contrasts.

In the urban areas, education comprises nearly 50% of social work as related to 5% by madaris. However, in contrast, madaris comprise 30% of the social work in the rural areas compared with 17% of all types of education and 14% of amenities by other social organisations.

In a random sample in Gujranwala, local business contributions in Zakat to both registered and unregistered civic bodies were four times the amount paid as taxes.

In another stunning data, 55% of all NGO activity is around Punjab, 35% in Sindh and 5% each in NWFP and Balochistan.

Internationally, major source of funding of the citizen organizations is the government. The average contribution in several developed and developing countries is around 40%. In case of Pakistan, the government funds comprise only 6% of total funding for citizen organizations.

Better late than never, it is the present government led by President Musharraf that has harnessed multi lateral agency support to compensate for the low level of public sector funding. It has launched various programs such as SAPDP (Social Action and Participatory Development Program). The latest government initiative is creation of a US $ 100 million Pakistan Poverty Alleviation Fund with the assistance from the World Bank. This shall promote public-private partnership in local social service delivery. Other funding mechanisms include grants given by Social Welfare Departments, Zakat and Bait-ul-Maal, the Trust for Voluntary Organization, Provincial Education and Health Foundations and the Khushali Bank. However, there remains a big question mark on how this initiative could become productive with no change in the system.

The devolution plan in its concept and intent is also likely to give a boost to participation of the people, particularly in the development oriented activity provide the politicians and civil servants allow this system to function.


Challenges and Opportunities

The case for development of Civil Society in Pakistan is not hopeless by any standards. The traditional Islamic spirit of the majority of Pakistanis, the strength of family as an enduring social institution, the communitarian spirit which still pervades most of our rural society, the sense of right and wrong that informs most human conduct, the natural assimilation and eclecticism and syncretism dominant in our ethos, and the remarkable capacity for philanthropy, coexistence and contentment are all our great strengths as a society. Historical heritage, and experienced culture point towards a healthy and fruitful future, provided despondency in some sectors can be overcome and citizens are made to believe that they have a participatory role to play. This will ultimately lead to a fortified national character and enduring nationalism.

If the state is but one, though vital, institution in society, is it not unrealistic to expect the state to resolve the many social dilemmas? Doesn’t such an unbalanced view of state-society relations end up placing a disproportionate emphasis on state driven changes of society and ultimate curtailment of the society itself? The answer therefore lies in pluralism, inclusiveness and complementary interests between all stake holders. There is thus a need to changing social attitudes.

With privatization and deregulation, the industrialists have to play their role in enhancing productions, paying more taxes, providing more jobs, social services, education and basic amenities to their employees. These industrialists will have to become the back bone of social capital matched by funding from the government.

The government should encourage the formation of such bodies that exercise vigilance over governance. On their part these organisations should develop and display objective behavior towards the development of a mature and participatory civic culture.

The educated and the effluent sections of society instinctively reject the notion that all citizens have the capacity for self-governance. The resistance to genuine local self–governance and people’s empowerment is the most visible manifestation of this mistrust. The edifice of a sound democracy can be built only on the strong foundation of trust and faith in the unalienable right to self-governance and the intrinsic capacity of the common people to achieve uncommon goals.

A civilized society can be sustained only if citizens recognise that rights and duties coexist. The concept of collective grief and happiness is profound in the rural areas and mohallas and can be replicated in the entire society. We need a society that can manifest disciplined and proud behavior even in adverse circumstances.

Freedom of information on all matters of governance, citizen’s charters codifying standards of performance in public services and establishing systems of accountability, empowerment of local governments, well-defined relationship between the vote and welfare of the citizens, and between tax money and service rendered to the public, legal empowerment of citizens as stake holders in select public services, and measures for achieving speedy justice at the local level are all such instruments which can be put in place within the existing constitutional framework at the State and local level.

Political parties, which now function as closed oligarchies and personal fiefdoms, should be reformed comprehensively. Free, open and non-arbitrary membership, regular, free and fair elections within the party, complete transparency and accountability with strict disclosure norms on all matters relating to funding and utilisation with swift penalties for violation are all the necessary preconditions for citizens’ effective political participation.

Perhaps the most vital requirement for active citizenship is a high level of literacy. A good education system would, through efficiency displace the madaris that promote intolerance. There is also a need to provide access to basic amenities like potable water and sanitation to uphold the dignity of citizens. Illiterate people who are denied the basic dignity and privacy of sanitation cannot be expected to understand fundamental duties or assert their fundamental rights.

The role of the Non Profit Organisations also needs to be regulated and monitored within the premise of a nation state. In the existing hype, there is probability that many of these organisations could form a nexus with the civil servants and become hot beds of corruption.

To bring a shot in the arm to this process, de regulation of investments could play a very big role in giving a jump start to the socio economic development. In the rural areas, agriculture needs more subsidies and fewer taxes on fertilizers, pesticides and electricity. This would increase the productivity. In terms of investments, the Board of Investments needs to be re organized and made performance oriented through more autonomy. A one window operation needs to be introduced to cut across civil servant red tape and harassment of potential investors. Facilitation of investments will create more opportunities, jobs and healthy economic competition.

To conclude, civil society in Pakistan is caught between cross currents of modernity, religious extremism, forces of globalisation, extreme deprivations, sub nationalism, and scant opportunities. Concurrently, rigid social and state hierarchies usurp opportunities that exist. In the absence of space, the society may resort to inbreeding deforming itself. Optimistically, the rich traditions, values and ideology as perceived by the founding fathers provide fertile grounds for reaping this potential. Deregulation, privatisation, local philanthropies and success of the local self government could usher a slow and gradual change, which could ultimately permeate the whole politic of the country. As Pakistanis, the ultimate goal of our civil society should be the attainment of undiluted nationalism.