Text of Musharraf’s Nov 3-4, 2007 "Emergency" Speech

This is a quick unofficial translation of General Musharraf’s midnight speech in Urdu, together with a reproduction of the English portion addressed to foreigners, in which he justified his declaration of martial law (calling it "Emergency"). I was unable to find the full speech anywhere on the Internet, and what exists is in multiple files on the You Tube, which have gaps (that have been filled below, to the extent possible, by consulting other videos also on You Tube).

The translation tries to stay close to the Urdu, even at the expense of infelicity of the English translation. Even in his Urdu, Gen. Musharraf uses English words copiously, repeating Urdu equivalents immediately after (e.g. "extremists, intiha pasand" translated as "'extremists,' extremists"). Wherever possible, English words appear in quotation marks (‘…’); but there are so many that they have not all been marked. The original speech is not the most coherent, and the translation tries to capture the flavour of the original.


PTV News
23:49 PST Sat 3 Nov 2007

In the name of God, the beneficient, the merciful.

My dear Pakistani brothers and sisters, peace be upon you!

Today, when I am addressing you people, at this time Pakistan has arrived at a very dangerous turn. It is the victim of an internal crisis [buhran]; all of this that is happening is related to this internal disorder [khalfishar]. At this time, extremely important – and sometimes in the history of nations, painful – decisions have to be made. For Pakistan also it is a somewhat similar time, when some important and painful decisions will have to be taken. And if I suspect that if these timely actions are not taken then, God forbid, the integrity of Pakistan is in danger.

Before I say anything more, I would like to make just one promise to the entire nation: that whatever I will do, whatever decision I have taken, is first and foremost in the interest of Pakistan, and this will be my sole ‘guiding principle’: Pakistan first. Rising above personal gain, personal ‘consideration,’ ‘Pakistan first.’ And it is this that is my hope; that the entire nation will think on these ‘lines.’

My brothers and sisters, in the last months, conditions in Pakistan have been changing very fast. About this, I would like to say something to you, very ‘frankly.’ The first thing I have always been saying to you, terrorism and extremism, in my view, are at an extreme. At this time, suicide attacks are happening in all of Pakistan. What happened in Karachi, then in Rawalpindi, in Sargodha, in all of Pakistan, their intensity has increased. 'Extremists,' extremists, boldly, without fear, are roaming the entire country at will. In fact, they are not at all afraid of law enforcement agencies; they are very 'confident'. In the frontier province, everything was happening already; and we were dealing with it. Some fallout from it also reached settled areas. You know already what is happening in Swat, and in the southern districts, too, the situation will have to be dealt with. But the sad thing is that even in Islamabad, the heart of Pakistan, the capital of Pakistan, extremism has spread widely, and the people are very worried. These extremists are taking the 'writ of government' in their hands, 'government within a government', [they are trying to] run a government of their own within the government.

And, the really awful thing is that a [set of] their own extremist, outdated, 'religious ideas,' an outdated thought about Islam is being foisted upon moderation-loving people, stuffed down their throats by force. And in my eyes, they are throwing a 'direct challenge' at the integrity of Pakistan. This is an extremely serious situation, of terrorism and extremism.

Let us go further, how is the system of government functioning? In my eyes, there is a ‘semi-paralysis,’ it stands paralysed. All ‘senior’ officials of the government, they are making the rounds of the courts, especially the Supreme Court. They are being sentenced, they are being insulted, in the courts; with the result that they do not wish to decide anything. There are some 100 suo moto cases pending in the Supreme Court. And I am told that hundreds of applications have arrived, and all these suo moto cases are concerned with government institutions, meaning the ‘executive.’ So, the result is that the system of government is in paralysis at this time.

Look at the law enforcement agencies. In my view, they are demoralised; especially in Islamabad. They are prey to hopelessness, they have lost their courage [himmat]. Why? Because their ‘officers’ are being handed punishments, the same rounds are being made of the Supreme Court, the courts. Ten of those officers, including two ‘IGs’ [inspectors general of police], have been suspended – or convicted, now – with the result, a ‘de-moralised force,’ morale down, too bewildered to take ‘action,’ they don’t want to do anything, they want to sit on their hands.

In addition, look at the democratic system, look at the practice of democracy. In it['s path], impediments are being placed. In [19]99, when my government arrived, then at that time I had made a plan of action. Let there be a three-stage transition, take the country toward democracy. Because in 1999, we were a ‘failed defaulted state,’ the system of democracy was in pieces, no government was completing its tenure, democracy in name [only]. So, in stage one, that from 1999 to 2002, in my view, that we did [implement] under that plan of action, in it there was [inaudible] my control, I ran the government.

Then ‘stage two’ came, the second stage, which lasted from 2002 to 2007. This was a democratic system, governments, fully ‘elected governments, senate, national assembly, provincial assemblies, local government’; this was a democratic system of elected governments, in which I did ‘overseeing’; I did some caretaking, certainly, but the government was running by itself. I remained president and chief of army staff. This second stage we passed without incident [khush uslubi say]; there have been some problems, but we established a record that for the first time ‘senate, national assembly, local governments, [and] provincial assemblies’ completed their tenure.

Now we were at the last stage; of this transition; the third stage. Meaning, that I had hoped that 2007, when the assemblies are completing their tenure on November 15, in that [stage] without incident a presidential election is held – whoever are the candidates for president – and, then, general elections are held, and an ‘elected government’ – whoever wins – as a ‘political reconciliation’, a new era, an era of ‘full democracy’, proceeds forward [for] Pakistan.

I had hoped for it. As I said, this is the first time in Pakistan that this transition, intentionally, according to a plan of action, this transition we introduced in Pakistan and had wanted to take forward. But, in my view, with deep regret, I want to say that some elements …

[Some text omitted]

… in Pakistan’s loss, this is a disorder that is being propagated without any reason, and impediments are being placed. In all that I have explained – ‘terrorism, extremism,’ system of government, ‘paralysis, demoralised law enforcement agencies,’ interference and impediments in the system of democracy – because of this, I am having to say with the greatest regret, that the economic ‘upsurge,’ economic condition of Pakistan, ours, that was going up, toward prosperity, with great regret I am seeing that it has stalled, and God forbid, it has started on a ‘downturn,’ there are ‘indications,’ but it hasn’t started yet, if we can stop it then the same needs to be done.

I am seeing that all ‘investors’ and all capital – in such excess it was coming here to Pakistan – they have stayed their hands. They are stopping, standing, and watching what will happen in Pakistan. They are asking will Pakistan will go forward in a ‘stable’ way so we can invest capital here, or withhold it and start going elsewhere.

Our entire ‘economy,’ economy, the economic conditions of our common people that we have seen in the last seven years, ‘improvement,’ in the economy, in economic conditions, ‘infrastructure development,’ roads, ports, ‘airports, railways, telecommunications, mobile telephones, landlines,’ telephones in villages and rural areas, ‘information technology, building and construction,’ the system of construction, in all Pakistan there is a hustle and bustle; buildings are being constructed, roads are being constructed, flyovers are being constructed. Then industry; thousands of industries are being established. The system of irrigation; dams have been constructed, canals are being constructed, water is being ‘brick-lined,’ of ‘water courses,’ water courses. Then, the social sector; from the point of view of education, and health, ‘primary’ and ‘secondary level’ health and educational institutions of all ‘levels’; on these, the going forward Pakistan, in all these sectors, rising, going toward betterment, I am feeling very sorrowful that these, God forbid, this seven year of effort is not washed away. And I am very sad at this that – because I have been involved in these development schemes – I cannot see it going down.

So, in sum, for all these reasons, the nation, the entire nation, is prey to a hopelessness, an uncertainty. I am receiving phone calls from all sides, my acquaintances, my own, private, from outside Pakistan, from inside Pakistan. They are asking, ‘what is happening?’ Some are taunting me, ‘you were supposed to be a decision-maker, what has happened to you now? Why can’t you take a decision?’ I have been hearing all these taunts with silence; looking at it with incredulity; that what is it that is happening in Pakistan.

I was hopeful that the judiciary and government institutions will be able to deal with all these conditions. With this hope I sat silently and kept looking, that perhaps they will ‘deal’ with this ‘situation,’ and improve the situation. But in my view this didn’t happen, this couldn’t happen, and the situation is continuing to go from bad to worse, and Pakistan is rapidly proceeding on a negative side.

And here I would also like to say – [I am aware that] I am sitting on the media, on the television – I would also like to say that the media also, some channels, and of those channels some programmes, they too did not help any to stop this ‘downslide,’ this ‘negativism,’ negative thought and negative ‘projection,’ but instead helped somewhat to increase it, and this climate of uncertainty. This too I am sorry about. I am sorry because this is the same media that in [19]99 in Pakistan consisted only of PTV [state run Pakistan Television]; and there was no ‘independence.’ This is the same media that I have given ‘independence’; and my government has given ‘independence.’ Because I had believed that media should be ‘independent.’ This is the only way forward, of ‘civilised societies.’ This is why I am sad. And I have said many times that stop ‘negativism,’ and go toward ‘positivism.’ This doesn’t mean that the media … the media should definitely be ‘independent’; but [there must be] ‘responsibility’; ‘responsibility’ for the nation. On this, with regret, I will want to say that in this, in some channels, the situation did not seem to be alright.

I would like to ask the entire nation, why has this happened, why this situation? In my view, it is because of the ‘clash’ of ‘judicial activism,’ and the judiciary (which is a ‘pillar of state’) and interference with the other two ‘pillars’ (that is, ‘legislative,’ law-making institutions, and ‘executive pillars,’ the system of government). Because of this, both these institutions – legislative institutions, in difficulty, their ‘writ’ is being ‘challenged’; they have to make the laws, but they are being ‘challenged’, and the system of government has been paralysed, in every way, in all areas. So this is the ‘basic’ thing.

This, in my eyes, started from 9 March, this year, when on the ‘recommendation’ of the Prime Minister I sent a ‘reference’ against the Chief Justice to the Supreme Judicial Council. This was a fully consonant with constitutional and legal requirements [taqaza]. There was no involvement of my person or self. In this, I saw, that there were grave accusations, and for that reason, I took an entirely constitutional step, and I did nothing else. ‘However,’ let us leave it, but the situation that emerged after it, deteriorated greatly. The break down of ‘law and order’ to a tragic extent, and because some political elements entered into this, the situation deteriorated further. I don’t want to go into ‘detail’ on this. I only want to say that if any error was committed by an individual member of any ‘law enforcement agency,’ then because of this the entire country is started to ‘de-stabilised.’

The second thing is that this ‘reference’ – as I have said, there were grave accusations, because of which this happened, it was sent to the Supreme Judicial Council – whatever happened, a judgment on it was given. This judgment, perhaps I agree with it or not – because in my view, the grave accusations in the reference were not even examined, and a judgment was given.– that judgment, I accepted with good grace [puri khush uslubi], with good intent, because it was the judgment of the Supreme Court. I accepted it; with good grace; and … an understanding

[Some text omitted]

… that there is reconciliation; quarrelling and squabbling is stopped. Work is undertaken for Pakistan, rising above personal concerns, for the stability of institutions, and in the interest of Pakistan. Unfortunately, the issue [silsila] was not solved. Even though, every effort was made, showed full cooperation, with good intent, but still the issue was not solved. This was about the reference and judicial issue, the legal issue.

Second, then, we saw in Islamabad a tragedy of the Red Mosque came before us, arose. Here, extremists took the law into their own hands. This happened in the heart of Pakistan, capital city of Pakistan, in Islamabad. And its embarrassment for the country, outside the country, in the whole world, has been so great that I don’t know how much we have been dishonoured in the entire world. That being such a great power, our own capital city, it was not under control. In it, people made a government within a government; and our image was much affected. Our status [rutba] our ‘standing’ was affected. These people did nothing, these extremists; they martyred police officials; they took police officials ‘hostage,’ catching them, by force; they went and burned shops; they caught the Chinese, who are our such great friends, they took those people hostage and beat them up.

Because of this, once again, there was embarrassment to me, myself, because I had to apologise to the Chinese leaders, that we are ashamed that you people are such great friends of our and this has happened to you people. And then they entered and burned the ‘Environment Ministry,’ and their cars. What to do, in these conditions? We continued to be dishonoured for several months; and the people kept saying that they are not taking ‘action.’ We were not taking any ‘action’ because we wanted to save lives, not take lives. So, when we took ‘action,’ it was a last stratagem [harba], as a last resort. I present my compliments to all law enforcement agencies, again; they took an ‘action,’ and put an end to the dishonour and ‘embarrassment’ that we had faced. Many among them were martyred. I pray for their salvation. May God grant them all Heaven. They acted for the nation and country, not for themselves, and made a present of their lives.

After that, unluckily, the ‘decision’ came, the Supreme Court’s ‘decision’ came, the file kept moving. Now, the situation is that of those 61 terrorists who the intelligence agencies had declared as ‘black’ (meaning, absolutely ‘confirmed terrorists’), they have been released. They are roaming at will. Who knows if the Pindi bomb blast, or Karachi, or Sargodha’s, may have been done by them. They are ‘at large’ now. We don’t know what ‘actions’ they will do in the future, and what loss they will cause us. Then, those schools that were involved in extremism, they have been ordered opened. We want to construct schools. It is the government’s plan that ‘model’ schools be constructed; and keep the poorest students there, and provide for their food, and stay; but they should be of ‘standard’. It isn’t the case that anyone here in the government is against schools. Take them to the best places. Give them good education. Arrange for them to live well. That plan, comprehensive plan, is being formulated. The government is making it. They … those

As I said, where extremists were sitting, it has been decided to open them. And now at this time the same people who were responsible for the security system in Red Mosque, some among them have been asked to take care of security there. When in any mosque, the mosque does not need any security. And we don’t know if those security people start carrying rifles inside the mosque, and we arrive at the same position where we were.

And the same elements that were first challenging the government, their ‘relatives’ are sitting challenging the government. The ‘law enforcement agencies,’ whatever ‘actions’ they are taking, whether in Swat, [un ko bura?, inaudible], and they are showing their solidarity, from Islamabad, with the terrorists in all of Pakistan. This is the second situation faced.

Then, there was this reign of presidential elections that came recently, only a month has passed. In this, in an absolutely legal constitutional way, its ‘procedure’ was adopted: the Election Commission gave a schedule, constitutional [inaudible] time frame its schedule was declared, the Chief Election Commissioner examined the nomination papers, of all, whoever were the candidates, and they were accepted; but some references were filed, especially against me. They were taken into ‘consideration’ by the Supreme Court. No problems; absolutely correct. It is a legal obligation. But after this, first a 7 member bench was constituted; then inexplicably after some time it was made a 9 member bench; and then after that it was made into an 11 member bench. And the case as a result is dragging, hanging, and no decision is being made, and the uncertainty that is in the political environment continues to prevail.

Then elections were held; presidential elections; in which I am at this time I would like to say that I am grateful that the assemblies by giving me 57% vote they elected me. I am grateful to them that I received votes from all four provincial assemblies, from the senate, the national assembly, and 57% votes, but the case is still hanging. Votes were received; unofficial results were announced; but the decision is that there will be no ‘notification.’ So, the case remains pending. Now the case continues, the judgment is not being given, it is crawling away; now, one of the gentlemen has said that he has to go to his daughter’s wedding, so it was advanced even further. As if this nation, which is in a full … hopelessness, a, a, is in a strange … state, state of uncertainty, it is being kept hanging, and it is continuing to be taken forward. The Prime Minister also examined this grave condition; he even wrote about this examination to me, that the conduct of government in this situation is difficult.

My brothers and sisters, what is this that is happening in Pakistan? What is happening to us? What is happening to the country? In what direction are we going? This nation lives in my heart; lives in my blood; and in my soul.

So there; therefore, the time has come for an action. What is the core of this action? What is to be done? To do what? I have examined everything, examined the entire situation. We have to stop it, this downslide, how do we stop it?

In my view, we have, these three pillars of state – judiciary, executive, legislative – in these three we have to bring synchrony [hum ahangi]; when we bring synchrony to these three, bring about unity in their direction [yak jihati], then we can in full measure have good ‘governance,’ and be able to combat extremism and terrorism with full force. This is the way to put the de-railed government back on the rails, before the state that we roll off completely.

Having reviewed this situation, I consulted all military, governmental, political, and ‘private’ officials, friends, and expatriate Pakistanis, I have come to some decision and this decision, basically, is about the third stage of democratic practice, that I had mentioned, it has to be completed, God willing. The impediments that lie in the way of democracy have to be removed. It is my full intention, was my intention, is my intention, to complete this third stage and God willing it will be completed. And to do this I have declared emergency; I have issued a provisional constitutional order; that was appearing on television, you may have seen. I should explain as I go along that in this there is no change in government. The Prime Minister, governors, chief ministers, all will remain in their place. All assemblies will continue; in other words, senate, national assembly, provincial assemblies, all of these will remain in their place as they were functioning before. The same practice [`amal] will continue. This I have decided [inaudible] is the easiest way to set Pakistan back on the rail, and the economic developmental aspect by which we were proceeding forward its continuity is maintained; and the last transition phase of the democratic system is completed.

Now taking advantage of this situation, I would like to say something in English.

[00:24 PST Switches to English]
I have spoken in Urdu to my countrymen. I would like to take this opportunity to speak to the world in general, but particularly to our friends in the West, in the United States, the European Union, and the Commonwealth. I would ask you to kindly understand the criticality of the environment inside Pakistan and around Pakistan. Pakistan is on the verge of destabilisation, if not arrested in time, now, without losing any further time or delaying the issue. The saddest part of everything which saddens me the most, that after all that we have achieved in the past seven years I see in front of my eyes Pakistan’s upsurge taking a downward trend. I personally with all my conviction and with all the facts available to me consider that inaction at this moment is suicide for Pakistan and I cannot allow this country to commit suicide.

Therefore I had to take this action in order to preserve the democratic transition which I initiated eight years back. I would like to repeat that – which I have said it in Urdu – that I started with a three-stage transition: the first stage from 99 to 2002, where I remained in control; the second stage, 2002 to 2007, five years of democratic rule, all assemblies functioning, local governments functioning, I only oversaw it as the chief of army staff and the president combined; and now I was launching the third phase, which was to be completed in only a few months, where complete democracy, return to civil rule, myself being only a civilian president, if elected. It is this third stage that is being subverted today. And it is this third stage which I want to complete with all my conviction. And if we don’t take action I don’t think we are going into this third stage; I don’t know what chaos and confusion may follow.

So therefore I request you all to bear with us. To the critics and idealists against this action I would like to say please do not expect or demand your level of democracy which you learnt over a number of centuries. We are also trying to learn and we are doing well. Please give us time. Please also do not demand and expect your level of civil rights, human rights, civil liberties, which you learnt over the centuries. We are trying to learn and we are doing very well also. Please give us time.

I would at this time venture to read out an excerpt of President Abraham Lincoln especially to all my listeners in United States. As an idealist Abraham Lincoln had one consuming passion during that time of supreme crisis and this was to preserve the union, because the union was in danger. Toward that end he broke laws, he violated the constitution, he usurped arbitrary powers, he trampled individual liberties. His justification was necessity. And explaining his sweeping violation of constitutional limits he wrote in a letter in 1864, and I quote:

“My oath to preserve the constitution imposed on me the duty of preserving by every indispensable means that government – that nation – of which the constitution was the organic law. Was it possible to lose the nation and yet preserve the constitution? By general law, life and limb must be protected; yet often a limb must be amputated to save a life; but a life is never wisely given to save a limb. I felt that measures, otherwise unconstitutional, might become lawful by becoming indispensable to the preservation of the constitution, through the preservation of the nation. Right or wrong, I assumed this ground and now avow it.� Unquote.

We are also learning democracy. We are going through a difficult stage. It is a nation which is important. And for me and every Pakistani, Pakistan comes first. And anyone else’s considerations come after that. I look at it from this point of view. So whatever I do is for Pakistan, and whatever anyone else thinks comes after Pakistan. With all my sincerity whatever I am doing is in the interest of Pakistan and therefore I am doing it with full conviction, and [with] my full heart, and soul, and mind in it.

[0032 PST Reverts to Urdu]
My dear brothers and sisters, I hope that you all will understand the serious state of this situation. In my view, there is no alternative to whatever I have done at this time. For this country, if a gift of life is required, then my life is present. I have not learnt to surrender to situations. I know how to confront situations. I never lay down arms, I fight; and I will now fight [muqabila karunga]. Not for myself, for this country, for the common people of this nation; for their prosperity; for their progress. If I have your company, I have no doubt that – if you continue to walk with me – then, God willing, we will take Pakistan forward to the same progress, the same rising Pakistan, and we will all together put back this de-railed train back on to the tracks. I have no doubt of it.

That this nation wants progress; the nation wants to go ahead. The people are concerned about prices. The people are concerned about unemployment and poverty. The people are distressed that in the name of democracy we keep spreading a climate of uncertainty. People are distressed by extremists and terrorists who every day, in the name of Islam, murder Muslims. People are distressed at this.

I want to say to all my brothers and sisters we will fight it together, and God willing we will take Pakistan forward. God Almighty, protect and defend you, and Pakistan. May Pakistan, always, be forever.

[0035 PST End]

8 Nov 2007
Postscript
Since this post, I came across:
(1) Urdu Text in Jang (although Musharraf departed from it)
(2) Another English Translation