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Recently by GT
- Insurance.
- The Next President.
- The mauling of adivasis in Assam.
- Nandigram: What is the problem?
- Gujrat: Knowing is not enough, we need to remember.
- Quo Vadis?
- Transition to democracy -1.
- Not so fast.
- What now?
- Geelani's views?
- So finally ...
- Kaal.
- No Title
- No Title
- Further on in the debate:
- Reply to Masadi continued:
This is a slightly modified version of what I had written about Nandigram in UP. I had done so because the media, and now chowk articles, is not reporting on the core issue. I put the following facts, along with certain beliefs (which I clearly state when I take recourse to them), for your consideration.
1. The CPM's claim to fame is land reforms. In West Bengal, it meant that, use rights but not property rights were handed over to those who were actually cultivating the land AT THAT TIME. Use rights do not allow the 'owner' of the land to sell the land. However, it allows the cultivator to cultivate the land without any threat of eviction. The land can also pass on to children but it cannot be sold. So, for example, it cannot be used as a collateral to secure a loan. However, since monitoring who actually cultivates the land is difficult, the person who had the land 'registered' in his name did not have to continue cultivating it. For at least a generation this problem did not arise as cultivators remained cultivators.
2. Most cultivators who benifited from land reforms were CPM members (or converted into CPM members).
3. The land around Calcutta has a huge proportion of Muslims (at places above 50%). Most Muslims were traditionally Congress supporters. Hence, they did not benifit from the reforms as the Hindus did. Plus a sizeable proportion of the Muslims was (is) into small time trade and worked in the handicraft and leather sectors.
4. In Nandigram, the land 'owners' are both Hindus and Muslims. They have done well for themselves given the success of commercial cropping. The second generation is largely out of cultivation. So most of the land is no longer owner cultivated, but is cultivated through hired labor and share cropping! But share cropping and working the fields require that the ‘owner’ monitor the workers or the actual amount of harvest. This, I believe, was getting to be difficult with the younger family members of the “owner” migrating to urban areas for ‘babu’ type jobs. I believe that, given such problems of monitoring, most 'land-owners' were happy to ‘sell’ for the SEZ. (Note, the present problem would not have arisen had the “owners” refused to sell. This point will become clearer as we proceed).
5. In point 4, above, "selling" is simply a compensation by the govt. (who always owned the land) to those under whom the land was registered. "Selling", otherwise has no meaning when the owners only have use rights but no property rights.
6. Almost 60 to 70 percent of the hired labor, share-croppers and traders who sell to the workers (like petty shop-keepers) are Muslims. These guys are the ones who lost out when the land was sold. Do note that the Congess was becomming weaker and weaker politically. A political void was created. The people who lost needed political representation for them to be properly compensated. We shall come to who filled this void after a small deviation in 7.
7. With the influx of hardworking but poor illegal, and hence exploited, Bangladeshi immigrants into the North East region as well as the area near Calcutta, a constituency, unaffiliated with any political party, was developing. In the North East they are now, hopefully, being effectively represented by the Jamaat. I believe that, they are also present as share croppers and hired workers in the Nandigram area (I have no idea about the actual proportion). In any case the informal Muslim network was not getting the political support it required. The CPM drunk with power had become lax.
8. The Jamaat stepped in. According to my political understanding it communalized the situation. Others may argue that this is not communalization, but politics according to Islamic ideals. The CPM was caught napping and a sizeable section of the local leadership went over to the Jamaat folds. Mamta and the Naxals also moved in. CPM cadres were driven out of their houses. The CPM woke up, and as usual its cadre of thugs (both Hindus and Muslims) retaliated. And they did retaliate with violence.
7. Idiots ranging from two time jounalists to Romilla Thapar cannot distinguish heads from tails. The issue is that of "use rights" vs. "property rights". The Marxists did not understand it then and do not do so today.
8. The CPM stronghold is extremely strong in the rural areas and relatively weak in Calcutta. So the Jamaat used Nandigram, and that stupid Bangladeshi writer, to mobilize those Muslims in Calcutta who were previously under the protection of the Congress and the Chatra Parishad. The BJP was waiting just for this to happen. It can now dig into the Hindu vote bank of the Congress.
9. Plain and simple, no rocket science. The CPM, being one of the sanest political parties in India, have immediately brought in the army. I predict that it will resort to massive violence over the comming months through its cadre. To allow for this violence it will give the Congess some slack over the nuclear issue.
(P.S. I am not a Bengali and for that matter I am hardly an Indian)
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