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Read other ARTICLES and BLOGS by the author. The reason he is frequently banned on Chowq is because he (1) posts rebuttals to anti-Islam atheists (2) counters their anti-Pakistan propaganda efficiently (3)shows them how the American ‘wet dream’ is drying up globally (4) opposes their sponsored 'favourite' writers’ debauched views, and satirizes them
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For the reading pleasure of my Q-admirers at Chowq, I reproduce Chapter 1, part 3 (AN OUTGROWTH OF IMPERIALISM) of an important book:
Ahmadiyya Movement: British-Jewish Connection By Bashir Ahmad
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AN OUTGROWTH OF IMPERIALISM-3
Subtle Patronage
Promotion of religious differences was part of the Imperialist policy. It divided the Indian society into scores of small warring groups. The British Secret Service encouraged its agents to put forth scurrilous and provocative literature to widen the differences among different religious entities. Religious adventurists used the press liberally to launch their attacks on their opponents and to engage when in futile religious controversies. In 1886, the Government registered the publication 8,963 periodicals in India out of which 1,485 were in Urdu, 1,352 in Bengali, 843 in Hindi, 679 in English and rest them in other languages.77 Most of them were engaged in theological discussions.
Mirza Ghulam Ahmad entered into religious controversies with Christian and Hindu religious leaders in a peculiar way. He threw challenges of prayer duels, put out revelations in their condemnation and used abusive language to provoke them to retaliate against him. His crusade resulted in the appearance of many slanderous works against Islam.78
The Punjab Government closely watched the religious controversies ranging in the Punjab among different groups and sects. Mirza Ghulam Ahmad’s activities in promoting religious antagonism were particularly reported to the higher British officials. In 1893, he entered into a religious controversy with Rev.Henry Martin Clark, a Medical Missionary in-charge of Amritsar District. As a result of it, a debate took place at Amritsar between Mirza and Abdullah Athim, a Muslim convert to Christianity and the former Extra Assistant Commissioner, Sialkot. In the proceedings of the Home Department, Government of the Punjab, the details of a series of meetings have been given which were held in order to ‘discuss religious topics concerning Mohammadans and Christians.’ The speakers on the side of the latter were Mr. Abdullah Athim and Rev. Henry Martin Clark and other side was represented by Mirza Ghulam Ahmad of Qadian. The contest lasted for a fortnight without any material result in favour of either party. Mirza, however, threatened the speakers of the opposite faith with premature death within fifteen months, as a punishment revealed to him by God in a dream failing which he consented to be disgraced and hanged for having persisted in upholding falsehood.79
The deadline of fifteen months ended on 4 September 1894. Athim did not die. Christian missionaries jeered at Ahmadis and condemned the Qadiani impostor. Mirza shamelessly insisted on the fulfillment of his prophecy stating that Athim had saved himself by turning towards the truth.
The Civil & Military Gazette, Lahore, under the heading - A Dangerous Fanatic wrote:
“There is a well-known fanatic in the Punjab, he is now, we believe, in the Gurdaspur district, who calls himself Musalman and also the Messiah. His prophecies regarding the death of a native Christian gentleman in Amritsar kept up an excitement in the city for some months; but fortunately his utterance were so badly charged that they have hung fire miserably and the doomed is still alive. A fanatical vision of this sort is doubtless under the surveillance of the Police. Whenever he preaches abroad, serious disturbances of the peace are imminent, for he has a numerous following who are only less fanatical than himself. Of course no political danger can be apprehended from the vain imaginings of such man; but there is method in his madness. He has undoubted literary ability and his writings are voluminous and learned; all the elements present for forming a dangerous rallying point, of course among the Orthodox he is anathema morantha. His fame has spread as far as even as distant Madras." 80
Like Athim, Mirza entered into a controversy with an Arya Samajist, Pandit Lekh Ram Peshawari, a retired police official. He predicted that Lekh Ram would die by February 1898. He was described as a molten calf. Lekhram was later on mysteriously murdered at Lahore on 6 March 1897. It generated a good deal of communal tension in the Punjab. Mirza took advantage of the situation to emphasize his claim.
Lala Lajpat Rai, an Arya Samaj leader states:
“The assassination of Lekhram in March 1897 is a memorable event in the history of Arya Samaj. He was a zealous Arya Samajist, devotee of Swami Dayanand. The Pritinidhi Sabah paid him some thing for subsistence. He was boorish. He was cremated in Lahore. A Committee was appointed for tracing the assassin, and work for the Committee was entrusted to Lajpat. The police and the Samaj each appointed its own agents for finding out the culprit, but Musalmans foiled all their plans. Two or three persons were arrested, but all of them were let off because none was identified. People were firmly convinced and there was good reason for the conviction that the sympathies of the Lahore Muslims were with the assassin, and the assassination was the result of the big conspiracy in which some of the Moulvies and Muslim Raises of Lahore had a part and they gave shelter to the assassin and helped him make good for his escape.”81
Managed Show
Dr. Henry Martin Clark, the patron of Athim charged Mirza Ghulam Ahmad under section 307 on Ist August 1897 in the Court of District Magistrate, Amritsar. He stated that Mirza had sent Abdul Hamid to murder him. The case was later transferred to the Court of District Magistrate, Gurdaspur as it fell under his jurisdiction. During the proceedings, the Police prevailed upon Abdul Hamid to change his earlier statement in favour of Mirza Ghulam Ahmad. The basis of the case was shaken. No further legal action could be taken against Mirza. It was a managed show. The British watched the proceedings with interest. Col. Douglas, District Magistrate Gurdaspur, subsequently told A.R. Dard that the case was
watched by the Punjab Government.82
Dr. Clark’s case helped to dispel the commonly held belief that Mirza had employed agents to murder his opponents to fulfil his prophecies. He continued to throw challenges of prayer duels to his enemies and prophecised their humiliation and death till he was ordered by the Punjab Government on 24 February 1899 to refrain from publishing any prediction involving the disgrace of any person and representing him as the object of Divine wrath.83 The order was meant to check the heat generated by the religious frenzy and to appease his opponents who were the followers of Muhammad Hussain Batalvi.
There was no change in the British policy. It was a stop gap measure. Mirza, the loyal agent of the British Empire, faithfully obeyed the order. He did not utter a word quite for sometime. Had he been sent by God and had He revealed His will to him, he would not have kept mum. This proves that the Qadiani danced to the tunes of his British masters. He was the mouthpiece of Imperialism and had no divine mission except to fulfil the political designs of the British colonialists.
Memorendum
At the close of 19th century, the Christian missionaries and Arya Samjists opened a floodgate of vile attacks on Islam. They found an excuse in scurrilous attacks, which Mirza made on their leaders through his writings and prophecies. The secret hand of British bureaucracy played a crucial role to aggravate the situation.
Dr. Ahmad Shah, an apostate lived in London. The British planted him as Medical Officer in Ladakh before he settled in Britain. He wrote a book attacking the Pious wives of the Holy Prophet (p.b.o.h). The British intelligence managed to get this book published at RP Mission Press, Gujranwala, Punjab. One thousand copies of the book entitled Umhat-ul-Mominin were distributed freely to injure the susceptibilities of the Muslims and create hatred among Christian and Muslim communities of India.
The Anjuman-I-Himayat-I-Islam, Lahore, sent a memorandum to the government on 26 April 1898 demanding that the book should be confiscated.84 Mirza also sent a memorandum on 4 May 1898 requesting the government that the book should not be proscribed. He argued that a reply to the book should instead be prepared. He criticized the Anjuman’s move and asked the government to ignore the said memorial.85
Religious frenzy continued to grow in India. The religious leaders ignored all norms of decency to launch abusive attacks on the persons of their rivals and their beliefs. In that charged atmosphere, Mirza sent another memorial to Lord Elgin, the Viceroy of India, in October 1898. He proposed a code of ethics for the controvertialists, to curtail the use of abusive language in religious controversies, by bringing them under the purview of law.86 He apprehended that too much heat generated by religious controversies would pose a danger to the benign rule of the British Government and might lead to political unrest. The vile and abusive writings could provoke Muslim fanatics to take up arms against the British rule, like that of 1857 upheaval. The memorial was meant to check political upsurge and to suggest the Imperialist masters to review their policy of neutrality in religious matters in the light of emerging political realities. The proposal was given out of sheer loyalty and love for the British masters but the British Government rejected Mirza’s proposal and did not take any action on it.87
AR Dard throws light on the political significance of Mirza Ghulam Ahmad’s move:
‘It was also in the interest of the Government to take up the suggestion. Political malcontents were taking advantage of religious conflicts to excite the people against the Government. It was the perception of this, which led the Government to pass Sedition Act of 1897. But in spite of that enactment, the country continued to drift from law-abidingness towards dissatisfaction. The law, in fact, was not productive of any great consequence, because India is permanently a land of religions and its people are prone to be more quickly excited over religious questions than over questions of politics. The Sedition Act 1897 made no prevention of religious quarrels and at the time it was passed, the Government did not perceive the necessity of any such provision.' 88
Mirza Ghulam Ahmad gave an interesting explanation of his vile and filthy language he consistently used against Christian clergy and Christianity. He justified his anti-Christian stance and attacks on the person of Jesus Christ by saying that his indecent writings served to pacify hotheaded Muslims. They felt satisfied after reading such harsh and scurrilous writings and changed their vindictive mood which otherwise would have been dangerous for the peace of the country. Secondly, he maintained that anti-Christian writings would have a political value in Muslim countries. After reading such works, the Muslims appreciate the religious policy of the British Government and had a feeling of love for them.89 They also thought that the British were favourably inclined towards Muslims and their rule posed no danger to Islam. To this end in view, bulk of Qadiani literature was sent to Muslim countries for the sake of Imperialist propaganda.
Mirza dared not suggest that Christian missions had their roots in imperial expansion, that so long as Imperialism endured, its missionary adjuncts must remain, and that Antichrist could not die while Imperialism lived. He blessed Imperialism and cursed its child. He swallowed the camel and strained at the gnat.90
In response to Mirza Ghulam Ahmad’s abusive writings and disgraceful prophetic utterances, a class of Muslim ulema planned to pay him in the same coin.91 That brought him further notoriety, yet their counter offensive forced him to seek the protection of law against the Molvis who stood in his way. He, in fact, wanted to inveigle government into a partisan alliance as his prophethood lacked stamina to fight its way through opposition and could not take its chance unaided. He had not the faith that could spring from a righteous cause. He was afraid of the struggle for existence that thinned out misfits. He knew that his prophethood could not weather the storm. That is why he knelt before the British and supplicated for support. He wanted England to look upon his prophethood as her adoptive and spoon-fed child.92
________________________________________
References
1. Galina Nikitina, The State of Israel, Moscow, 1973 P. 15
2. Ibid
3. William B.Ziff, The Rape of Palestine, London, 1948 P.14
4. Solomon Grazel, A History of the Jews, the Jewish Publication Society of America, Philadelphia, 1969, P. 591
5. J.C. Stevens, Palestine in Prophecy, The Voice of Prophecy, California, USA 1944, P. 6
6. W.B. Ziff, op. cit. P. 33
7. J.C. Steven op. cit, P.71
8. W.B. Ziff op, cit, P. 34
9. R.F. Gould History of Freemasonry, London
10. George Antonius, The Arab Awakening, London, 1961 P. 79
11. Jewish Encyclopedia Vol I KTV Publishing House USA P. 601
12. Daniel Grotto Kurska, Notes on inside The Occult: the True Story of H.P. Blavatsky, Philadelphia, USA 1975 P.5
13. Elie Kedourie, Afghani and Abdul New York, USA, 1966 P. 21
14. . The Moslim World, Vol II No2 April 1912 P. 76
15. . Letter from Sir George Campbell to Lord Mayo of 12 October 1871 and Appendix 2 Memo by AR Gile of 30 November 1871 Bundle Wahabis No. 28 of Mayo Paper, Cambridge University Library, London quoted in P. Hardy - the Muslim of British India, Camb, 1972
16. . No. 317 of Letter Despatched October -December 1871, No. 41 of Mayo Papers, Also Bundle Wahabis II No 29 of Mayo Paper op. cit.
17. F.H. Skrine, life of Sir William Wilson Hunter, London 1901, P.199
18. W.W. Hunter, The Indian Musalmans, The Comrade Publishers Calcutta, 1945
19. J.N. Farquhar, Modren Religious Movements in India, P. 107
20. Brain Gardner, The East India Company, London, 1971, P.171
21. Ibid 251
22. See Klaus Knorr, British Colonial Colonial Theories, (1570-1850) London 1965 P. 388
23. John Baillie God's Avenger; or England's Present Duty in India with a Galance at the Future, London 1857; The Religions of India, Church of England Quarterly Review, XLIV, 1858, John Jessop, Indian Rebellion, The Pulpit LXII 1858
24. H.J.S. Cotton New India, London , 1886-Appendix: Report on the census of British India, 17 February, 1881 Vol. 1 P.33
25. Molvi Chiragh Ali, A Critical Exposition of Popular Jehad, Calcutta, 1885, PP.159-160
26. Mirza Ghulam Ahmad Qadiani, Kitab-ul-Barayah, Qadian 1898, P. 143
27. See Abdul Rahim Dard Qadiani, Life of Ahmad, Lahore 1948, P.13
28. Mirza Ghulam Ahmad, Kashful Ghata, Ziaul Islam Press Qadian, 1898, P.5
29. Dard, op cit, P. 14
30. Ibid P. 15
31. Mirza Ghulam Ahmad, Shahadat-ul-Quran Runjab Press Sialkot, 1893, P. 9 (supplement) also Dard, op, cit. P. 14
32. Sir Zafarullah, Essence of Islam Vol.1 London 1979 P. VIII
33. For a brief life sketch of Mirza Ghulam Murtaza See Qazi Fazal Ahmad, Kalima-i-Fazal Rabani, Lhore, 1893
34. Mirza Ghulam Ahmad Kashuf-Ghata, Qadian, 1898 P.5
35. Muhammad Yakub Khan Quest After God(Glimpses of the Life of Mirza Ghulam Ahmad ) Anjuman Ahmadiyya Lahore, 1949, P. 17
36. See Tarikh-i-Ahmadiyya Vol-1 compiled by Dost Muhammad Shahid Rabwah.
37. Mirza Bashir Ahmad, Seerat-ul-Mahdi Vol 1 Qadian, P. 135
38. See Frederick Henry Copper, The Crises in the Punjab from the 10 of May untill the Fall of Delhi, London, 1858
39. For a detailed account see; i) The Indian Crisis, A Special General Meeting of the Church Missionary Society at Exeter Hall, on Thursday, Jannuary 12th 1858, London, 1858 ii) Recent Intelligence, Special Meeting on Indian Crisis Chruch Missionary Record, New Series III, 1858
40. The History of Church Missionary Society, London, 1899 Vol-II P.250
41. Abu Mudassara, Qadian Say Israel Tak, Lahore , 1979, P. 24
42. Files of Church of England Magazine Church of England Quartery Review Church Missionary Intelligence and Church Missionary Record Corroborate the beed of Such an Imperialist lackey.
43. Mirza Mahmud Ahmad Seerat-e-Masih-e-Maood, Rabwah, P. 15
44. Mirza Mahmud Ahmad 's Address, Alfazal Qadian,24 April,1934
45. Dr. Busharat Ahmad, Mujadid-i-Azam, Lahore 1939, P.42
46. Address of Abdul Mannan Omer at the Annual Gathering of December 1977, Ahmadiyya Anjuman Lahore 1981, P. 12
47. In 1879 his close friend Maulana Muhammad Hussain Batalvi wrote a book against Jehad and got a reward from the British (Supplement Ishat-u-Sunnah, Lahore Vol VIII No. 9 PP261-262)
48. Review of Religions, Qadian, April 1906
49. H.A. Walter The Ahmadiyya Movement Associated Press Calcutta, 1918 P. 20
50. Dr Girswold, Mirza Ghulam Ahmad, the Mehdi and Messiah of Qadian, Ludhaina, 1902.
51. The Mohammaden World Today, Paper presented at First Missionary Conference, Cairo 4-9 April 1906 London, 1906
52. Khalifa Syed Muhammad Hassan, Dawan of Patiala State was a confidant of the British. He also enjoyed confldence of the Council of Regency which administered the affair of this loyal State of Punjab. He extended moral and great financial support to the Mirza in launching his book. In 1884, the Mirza went to Pataila and was given a warm welcome. Khalifa invited him in 1886 to hold discussion with him on some important matter and was introduced to 3 member Council of Regency headed by Sardar Dewa Singh, Mirza paid a third visit to the state in October 1891 after his claim of Messahiship. Some suspect that the Khalifa served as a link between the British and the Mirza in securing funds for his sinister plans (See Misbahuddin, Khatamul Nabieen, Rawalpindi, 1973)
53. Mirza Ghulam Ahmad, Brahin-e-Ahmadiyya, Safeer-e-Hind Press, Amritsar, Punjab 1880
54. Mirza Bashir Ahmad Seerat-ul-Mahdi, Vol 1 P.93
55. Ibid
56. Braheen Ahmadiyya part 5, Roohani Khazian vol.21 p.9
57. At the time of compilling the Brahin-i-Ahmadiyya Mirza Ghulam Ahmad concealed his real motive i.e. proclamation of prophethood. He shrewdly put it off to some future date depending on the exigencies of time in a letter dated 8 August 1899, which appeared in Al Haram' Qadian, dated 17 August 1899, he says that he received a revelation 'A nabi came in the world but the world did not accept him' when he was compiling the Brahin but in order to avoid strong reaction of the Muslims to his claim of prophethood, he recorded the other Qirat of his revelation: 'A Nazir came in the world' This amply shows his real intention of what he planned for the future and is a glaring example of his shrewed pretension. (Also See Miza Ghulam Ahmad's book of Wahi dreams etc. Tazkira, P.104)
58. Brahin. Vol.III P.A
59. Brahin, Vol IV P.A
60. Farooq Qadian, 7 September 1938 Khawaja Kamaluddin a leading member of the coterie was one of them (Syed Sarwar Shah, Kashaf-e-Ikhtalaf, P. 15). Dr Abdul Hakim, one time a staunch follower of the Mirza vividly exposed the Mirza's technique to extort money in the name of Islam and to use it for personal ends. (Alzikar-ul-Hakim No.1-6 Mubarak Brothers, Pataila State Punjab 1906-1907)
61. Tazkira: 2nd Edition, Rabwah 1969 P. 37
62. Tiryaq-ul-Quloob, Roohani Khazain vol.15 p.201
63. Collection of Advertisements vol.1 pp.100-102 and pp.113-115; pp.116-117, pp.125-126. Mirza repeatedly advertised about the impending birth of this son who would be menifestation of God on earth, as can e seen by the number of advertisements given. On 7th August 1887, he announced the birth of 'that boy': "O Readers! I give you the gladtidings of the birth of that boy for whom I had prophesied earlier in my advertisement of 8th April 1886...today on 16th Zul Qaada 1304 H/7th August 1887 after 12 midnight at 1.30 am that blessed boy is born" (Collection of Advertisement vol.1 p.141) He was named Basheer Ahmad, Emmanuel etc. He died at the age of sixteen months. (ibid p.163)
64. Mirza Mahmud Ahmad A Present to His Royal Highness The Prince of Wales from the Ahmadiyya Community Nashr-e-Ishaat (Publicity Department ) Sadar Anjuman -i-Ahmadiyya, Qadian, Rajhans Press Delhi January 1922 P. 5
65. Mirza Ghulam Ahmad Taryaq-ul-Qalub Qadian 1899, P.15
66. Mirza Ghulam Ahmad, Sitara Qaisarya, Qadian, 1899 P. 3 "We Should not have felt called upon to dwell on the Anglophilous proclivities of Ghulam Ahmad had he spoken as a private individual as so many Anglo Muslim allegiance enthusiasts did during the British rule in India. But he claimed divine authority for every syllable that escaped his lips. (Phoenix, His Holiness, P.63)
67. Review of Religions, Qadian, Vol,VI, 1907
68. Review of Religions Vol, V, No. V May 1906 , P.190
69. Mir Qasim Ali Tabligh-e-Risalat Vol. VI P.130
70. Mirza Ghulam Ahmad Sitara-e-Qaisarya 1899, P. 4. How anxious he was to receive appreciation of his work from Her Gracious Majesty the Queen Empress can be noted in his revealtion: On 4 October 1899 it was revealed to him 'Thanks From Queen Victoria' (Tazkira P. 341). In a vision he saw the Queen had come to his house in Qadian (Tazkira P. 327)
71. Government of India Home Department to the Right Hon, Lord George Francis Hamilton H.M. Secretary for India, No. 24 of 1901 , 7 March 1901 Mirza Ghulam Ahmad Rais-e-Qadian Batalas telegram dated 24 January 1901 as one of the enclosures India Office Liberary London.
72. Mirza Ghulam Ahmad has referred to the revelant pages of 24 of his works (1882-1894) in which he praised British Imperialism (Memorial to Sir William Macworth Young Lt. Governor of Punjab 24 February 1898 ) In the subsequent decade he beat his past record in rendering political service, inclucating the spirit of loyalty for his masters and condemnation of the world of Islam .
73. Mir Qasim Ali Qadian, Tabligh -e-Risalat (A collection of the Mirza's posters handbills etc) Vol V. Qadian, 1922 P. 6 See also his petition to the VicerViceroy of India , 1st January, 1896
74. Tabligh-i-Risalat Vol, V P. 11
75. See Mirza Ghulam Ahmad, Haqiqat-ul-Wahi Qadian, 1907
76. Mirza Ghulam made various prophecies about his so-called divine marriage with Muhammadi Begum. When her father did not agree and got her married to another man, he announced that her husband will die within 21/2 years and she will come into his wedlock. He said: "In my prophecy there are not one but six assertions; i) I will be alive till the time of my marriage with her; ii)Till the time of this marriage her father will be definitely alive; iii) After the marriage, the death of her father within 3 years; iv) the death of her husband within two and a half years; v) till I marry her, that girl must remain alive; and finally vi) after becoming a widow, despite all opposition, she will into my matrimony." (Roohani Khazain vol.5 p.325) Mohammadi Begum and her husband lived for the 40 years happily married together whereas Mirza died in 1908. Divine marriage never materialised.
77. Report of the Misionary Conference London held at New Yourk 1888, P. 319
78. See Maulana Mazhar All Azhar, Sitarath Parkash Aur Mirza Ghulam Ahmad , Lahore
79. Government of the Punjab Home Department Proceedings, January to July 1894 from J. Sime, Director Public Instructions Punjab ro the Chief Secretary to the Government of Punjab No. 457 dated 22 February 1894, India Office Library London.
80. The Civil & Military Gazzette, 24 October 1894
81. Lajpat Rai, Autoboigraphical Writings - edited by Vijaya Chandra Joshi, Delhi, 1965, P.75
82. A.R Dard , op cit
83. Roohani Khazain vol.15 pp.430-450.
84. Government of the Punjab Home Department proceeding-No 13-26 file No.135-June 1898, India Office Library, London.
85. Tabligh-i-Risalat, Vol VII P.27 Home Department Proceeding, June 1898 IOL London
86. Governmnet of the Punjab Home Department proceeding No. 174-182 File 135 October 1898 Memorial of Ghulam Ahmad Mirza of Qadian in connection with religious controversy IOL London Government of the Punjab Home Department proceedings, October 1898 Papers related to Memorials submitted by Anjuman -e-Hamayat-e-Islam, Lahore and Monghry against the publication of book entitled Umahat-ul-Mominin an article written by Maulvi Abdus Said Mohammad Hussain, connected there with a Memorial submitted by Mirza Ghulam Ahmad of Qadian making certain suggestions as to the best way of regulating religious controversies so as to prevent it from becoming offensible, IOL London.
87. The Government of India, Home Department states that the Governer General in -Council is not prepared to take any action on the memorial addressed to the Viceroy by Mirza Ghulam Ahmad of Qadian, relating to the publication of the book entitled Umhat-ul-Mominin (No. 2602 dated 31st December, 1898) To the Commissioner Lahore Division request that Mirza Ghulam Ahmad may be informed as above, Government of Punjab Home Department Proceedings, File No.35 October 1898 IOL London.
88. A.R. Dard, The Life of Ahmad Lahore 1948 P.433
89. Mirza Ghulam Ahmad, Tarryaq ul Qalub, Qadian 1899, P. 317
90. Phoenix, His Holiness, P. 68
91. Government of the Punjab Home Department Proceedings, File No.29 May 1898 - Complaint of the followers of Mirza Ghulam Ahmad qadinai against Editor of the Jaffer Zatalli IOL London.
92. Phoenix His Holiness, P.121
***
Chapter-1 concluded; next chapter to follow...
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Thank Allah who allows the follwers of falsehood enough rope so that finally they hang themselves with it!
Hang on and hold on to Allah's Way.
You're a senior now, listen to Saqib who is quite junior at Chowq!
All praise is due to Allah who allows me the time for this effort with great patience to post all this for the unaware readers.
All you must do is 'read with understanding' (IQRA).
Tahir Sahab, keep up the good work. Thanks.
It does NOT matter if a moulvi wrote or a typed this text; what matters is the truth about those who abuse the MINORITY that wants to correct a wayard majority on chowq.
tahir
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